Why We Are Peronists: Peron, FAP and the Montoneros

A look at the National Revolutionary ideas of Juan Peron and the Movements that followed him, in his and their own words. Compiled by New Resistance / Open Revolt.

Twenty Truths of the Perónist Justicialism

by Juan Peron

From a speech of 17th October 1950 made at the Plaza de Mayo.

1. True democracy is the system where the Government carries out the will of the people defending a single objective: the interests of the people.

2. Perónism is an eminently popular movement. Every political clique is opposed to the popular interests and, therefore, it cannot be a Perónist organization.

3. A Perónist must be at the service of the cause. He who invoking the name of this cause is really at the service of a political clique or a “caudillo” (local political leader) is only a Perónist by name.

4. There is only one class of men for the Perónist cause: the workers.

5. In the New Argentina, work is a right which dignifies man and a duty, because it is only fair that each one should produce at least what he consumes.

6. There can be nothing better for a Perónist than another Perónist.

7. No Perónist should presume to be more than he really is, nor should he adopt a position inferior to what his social status should be. When a Perónist starts to think that he is more important than he really is, he is about to become one of the oligarchy.

8. With reference to political action the scale of values for all Perónists is as follows: First, the Homeland; afterwards the cause, and then, the men themselves.

9. Politics do not constitute for us a definite objective but only a means of achieving the Homeland’s welfare represented by the happiness of the people and the greatness of the nation.

10. The two main branches of Perónism are the Social Justice and the Social Welfare. With these we envelop the people in an embrace of justice and love.

11. Perónism desires the establishment of national unity and the abolition of civil strife. It welcomes heroes but does not want martyrs.

12. In the New Argentina the only privileged ones are the children.

13. A Government without a doctrine is a body without a soul. That is why Perónism has established its own political, economic and social doctrines: Justicialism.

14. Justicialism is a new philosophical school of life. It is simple, practical, popular and endowed with deeply Christian and humanitarian sentiments.

15. As a political doctrine, Justicialism establishes a fair balance between the rights of the individual and those of the community.

16. As an economic doctrine, Justicialism achieves a true form of social economy by placing capital at the service of the national economy and this at the service of social welfare.

17. As a social doctrine, Justicialism presides over an adequate distribution of Social Justice giving to each person the social rights he is entitled to.

18. We want a socially just, an economically free and a politically independent Argentina.

19. We are an organized State and a free people ruled by a centralized government.

20. The best of this land of ours is its people.


Fuerzas Armadas Peronistas, Argentina 1969

In 1945 the country was in a period of progress and economic ascent. It was growing internally, as industrial centers were rising in the interior of the country and the government could count on large monetary reserves externally. This general situation made possible the appearance of the Peronist phenomenon, principally due to three factors:

  1. The appearance of national industry, fruit of general prosperity, of the conditions of the post-war international market, and of internal market conditions due to the shortage of manufactured material.
  2. The beginnings of Yankee penetration as a consequence of the weakening of the British Empire and the expansion of the North American.
  3. Internal migration. As a consequence of the growth of industry there appeared a new urban proletariat coming from the interior of the country of Creole origin, non-politicized and in a situation of total disorientation. Yet despite the flourishing economic prosperity the situation of the working class was one of exploitation, poor working conditions, and absence of labor regulations, retirement pensions, and social protection.


Colonel Perón placed himself at the head of the nationalist movement – joined by sectors of the national bourgeoisie and the army – and the working class organized with this new urban proletariat, taking as their banners the defense of the nascent national industry, the fight against Yankee penetration, and the social demands of the working class.


October 17, 1945 was the first mass action of the Argentine working class, was the political awakening of the descamisados, was the meeting of the People with its leader, who elevated it so that it achieved its highest level of consciousness: consciousness of its historic mission and destiny. Hundred of thousands of men and women were mobilized en masse to impose their will and re-conquer power. We had here the powerful and new force of the workers against the obsolete values of the imperialist and exploitative oligarchy.


Peronism owes its birth to the eruption of the workers into national life as co-participants in the construction of the new Argentina. In the international field it signified the advance of the countries of the Third World, who sought their own road outside the two hegemonic powers.


Beginning in 1945 Peronism, as an anti-imperialist, popular, and nationalist movement, initiated the bourgeois democratic process in the country. In the economic field it represented the defense of the country’s wealth against foreign hands. The foreign debt was repaid (adding up to 40% of our resources and reserve). Transports, gas, telephone, and electricity were nationalized. The nationalization of the Central Bank permitted the use of the national savings for the development of the country. The price of exported and imported primary materials was assured through the IAPI.


Nevertheless, the structures of oligarchic power were not modified in their economic aspects.

A series of authentic social demands were expressed: the rights of the workers, the family, and the elderly and the right to education were regulated. Participation in government was granted to the people, granting the vote to women and the indigenous peoples; the working class participated directly in political power, and there were worker ministers, governors, deputies, senators and diplomats; the distribution of the national income allowed the improvement in the living conditions of the working class. Proportions were reversed in favor of the workers, who received 66% of the national income.

Politically, the proletariat was given class consciousness and awareness of its power, and thanks to this the possibility of participating in the leadership of the country.

The confrontations began with the disappearance of the prosperous conditions of the post-war period. There was class struggle within the Peronist movement. The army participated in industrialization but not with a socially progressive policy. The bourgeoisie wanted to increase its own profits even more, negotiating with imperialism, and the bureaucrats did nothing but stall the process. Before them the “little black heads’ and the “greasers” – as they called the people – tended to radicalize social policy. The increase in political consciousness demanded the deepening of the revolutionary national slogans and policies as well as the participation of the workers in the decisions of the leadership.

Nevertheless, the leadership of the movement remained in the hands of the all-powerful national bourgeoisie and the union and political bureaucracy. Lacking class combativeness, lacking the revolutionary presence of Evita, easy conquests abounded. The People lived the euphoria of limitless progress, not becoming conscious of the need to destroy the structures that sustain the oligarchy and its interests in order to achieve an effective apportioning of the goods of production. The movement’s democracy was paralyzed.

It is thus that the process was stalled and the forces formerly united in a broad anti-imperialist front dispersed and ended with a shock: the front was broken.

Since 1955 14 years have passed in which the oligarchic minority has taken power, despoiling the people and PERÓN OF THE GOVERNMENT. In these 14 years Peronism has instituted the struggle in the most diverse fronts in order to re-conquer power. During these 14 years the paths taken were not at the height of its revolutionary condition and had in common their spontaneism. They were: golpismo, electoralism, reformist or treasonous bureaucracy often in contact with military chiefs, terrorism and sabotage, which only led to a dead end. The successive military crises, the military triumph, the popular and massive triumph of Peronism on March 18, 1962, the overthrow of Frondizi, the new military crises demonstrated this.

March 18 demonstrated that the oligarchy was not disposed to surrender the government or power for a question of more or fewer votes. The coup of June 28, 1966 represented the genuine continuation of the oligarchy, stripped today of false masks by the armed forces who, in this conjuncture, are the sole structure capable of effectively defending the interests of the oligarchy and imperialism.

The lack of a coherent ideology and a revolutionary strategy which would provide that provide a framework the distinct methods separately employed provoked the current dispersion of Peronism, and which has brought it time and again to defeat.

But these years of struggle allowed it to learn, allowed it to see that the situation of Argentina and Peronism are a part of the process of the liberation of Latin America. These years of struggle and rebellion have allowed the formation of a new Peronism which attempts to integrate all its defeats, all its experiences.

Today, when the bourgeoisie is incapable of leading any historic revolutionary process; today when the process presents itself in terms inseparable from the Social Revolution and National Liberation, the historic strength of Peronism as the expression of the working class cannot be equaled.

WE ARE PERONISTS because, believing in the strength of Peronism, we must continue and deepen its activities in accordance with history’s new demands and the new national and international conjunctures.

WE ARE PERONISTS because there exists a clear continuity between the national grandeur begun by Peronism in government and that which will reappear with new and superior forms of struggle, all the while integrating this with the banners of our first days. To the counter-revolutionary strategy of oppression and misery, of shame and privilege of the regime that has existed since 1955, we will oppose the revolutionary strategy of seizing power through armed struggle.

Those who see in Peron an obstacle to carrying forward the armed struggle lack the clarity to see the historic continuity that exists between the process of ‘45 – ‘55, the search for the road that leads to power in the last 14 years, and the new path via revolutionary struggle that Peronism is initiating and which is the culmination of the two previous phases.

WE ARE PERONISTS and affirm the banner of Perón’s return, because it is an authentic popular demand. Because beyond the form and appearance, the people aren’t calling for the return of a man, rather what he incarnates and is; their participation in the leadership of the country.

For Perón is a phenomenon not containable in any system. The possibility of negotiation between Perón and the regime has no real existence, and the meaning of Perón in Argentina is the thousand and thousands of descamisados in the streets. For this Perón and Peronism are an opposition not assimilable to the regime, and this reality is independent even of Perón himself.

WE ARE PERONISTS and fight for the return of Perón because we have confidence in the people, feel along with it and don’t consider it as something that can be won over by a sect of the enlightened. We can only have one method: take up the people’s demands as our banner and reach for other greater ones along with the people.

CHE said that you shouldn’t move too far from the people, nor totally mix yourself with them, ceasing to be the vanguard. Doing this would mean not seeing the real needs of the People and taking up others that up to this time have been pure theory and that the people don’t feel to be theirs. The second would be accepting that Perón must come to make the revolution, without explaining that only a revolution on the march can bring Perón.

WE ARE PERONISTS and because of this affirm that from the womb of Peronism must come the Revolutionary Vanguard capable of leading the People to the sole solution for the country and the working classes, THE POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC SEIZURE OF POWER, for the creation of a Just, Free, and Sovereign Argentina.

Argentina 1969


Fuerzas Armadas Peronistas 1973

Before all of this, interpreting the will of our People, the Fuerzas Armadas Perónistas say: PERÓN IN POWER …

IN POWER to carry out the revolutionary aspirations of the people and the Peronist working class.

IN POWER without the “court of suck-ups, traitors, and pimps,” who surround him today and who are the same who made the gorilla coup possible in 1955, and who for 18 years betrayed the People’s struggles.

IN POWER Without Lopez Rega, Osinde, and their clan who, serving the plans of the CIA, seek to be his heirs, resorting not only to the isolation of the Leader, but also putting themselves in his place until his elimination.

IN POWER without Rucci, Miguel, Calabro, Rodriguez, and Co. who, united with the political bureaucracy for the possible inheritances, try to integrate Peronism into the system.

IN POWER without Britto, Norma Kennedy, and other assassins of the People at Ezeiza, who serve as the shock forces for the integrationist project.




  1. Expropriation of the oligarchy
  2. Socialization of the means of production
  3. Popular participation in all government decisions
  4. A break with and an attack on imperialism and its officials, showing solidarity with our brother peoples of the Third World.

IN ORDER FOR IT TO BE POSSIBLE FOR PERÓN AND THE PEOPLE TO BE IN POWER WE CALL FOR PERMANENT MOBILIZATION AND ORGANIZATION in all factories, cities, neighborhoods and workshops together with the F.A.R, Montoneros, J[uventud] P [eronista], J[uventud T[rabajadora Peronista], P[eronismo de] B[ase], etc, as well as elevating the political and military levels.




May-June 1973

The Montoneros: Armed Wing of Peronism

Montoneros, September 1970

Compañeros; The men and women who make up the Montoneros, armed wing of the Peronist movement, have delivered a blow to the gorilla oligarchy, militarily occupying the La Calera and recuperating arms and money which will be used for the struggle to construct a Free, Just, and Sovereign Nation.

We did this to demonstrate our fighting solidarity with the Peronist people, which has captured the streets, which fights even in the factories in defense of legitimate aspirations and rights, and as a repudiation of the governing farce of the day. The Montoneros warned the People of Cordoba against the maneuvers of the gorillas who inside and out the government want to embark us on a new electoral fraud; one in which we can’t vote for Perón, joined by a few of the usual defectors who call themselves Peronist leaders and who repudiate the people’s armed resistance and who want elections because they know the fraud will be even greater.

The people must unite, without partisan sectarianism, behind the intransigent banners of the resistance, seeking to prepare, organize and arm themselves. And let the traitors, sellouts, torturers, and the enemies of the working class know that the people will no longer only receive blows, because today it is ready to return them and strike where it hurts.

Only by fighting will we succeed in recovering what is ours. The Montoneros call for armed resistance for a Free, Just and Sovereign Fatherland.

With Perón in the Fatherland



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