The Case for Ulster Independence
“There must be some way in which we can work together. The problem is basically one of identity. Are we second-class Irishmen, second-class Englishmen or first-class Ulstermen? No one really knows what we are. If the Catholics and Protestants had a common identity, say Northern Ireland and be loyal to Northern Ireland, we could work out our destiny from there. I am Northern Irish and certainly not a second-class Englishman. If the fighting stopped and we became a unit and had an identity of our own, I think this is the only way we can be saved.” – Andy Tyrie
While the Zionist “British” State that administers the six counties is a globalist entity, the Irish Republican goal of a 32-county Ireland with its capital in Dublin is equally incompatible with self-determination. Not only is Irish Republicanism a leftover of 19th century petty-state nationalism, it also denies the primordial roots of Ulster identity that stretch back to prehistory.
Many European and American nationalists, communists, and self-styled “anti-imperialists” who support Irish Republicanism would have you believe the likes of Sinn Féin, the 32 County Sovereignty Movement, and dissident “physical force” Republicans like the Real IRA/New IRA are fighting for national sovereignty and self-determination in a non-sectarian and secular United Ireland. Nothing could be further from the truth.
In reality, contemporary Republicans are at the forefront of agitating for open borders and globalist causes like “Refugees Welcome” in both Ulster and the Republic (and have close ties with “Antifa” useful idiots for international capitalism, on the British mainland and further afield.) In the standard fashion of bourgeois false opposition movements to cast working class Europeans as imperialist oppressors, they deride their Ulster Protestant kinsfolk in terms like “unreformable Afrikaners” and envisage their ethnic cleansing.
Unionists are no better. The neocon Democratic Unionist Party has its own well-established love affair with cheap migrant labour and pushes a treasonous “Israel first” foreign policy agenda, while members of the supposedly “socialist” Progressive Unionist Party have actually been spotted attending the same pro-immigration rallies as members of Sinn Féin! More generally, Unionists proselytize a pseudohistorical narrative that makes Ulster identity synonymous with British imperialism and the Plantation settlements – according to which, Ulster history started only in the 17th century and has no relation to Irish or Gaelic culture.
The reality is the Ulster people of today, formed by a mingling of European population groups including Ancient British, Celtic, Norse, English and Norman, constitute a distinct ethnic, cultural and spiritual unit with its own customs and language or dialect (Ulster Scots or Ullans). In addition, there is NO historical precedent for a united Irish state ruled from Dublin – the only time in history the North was ever ruled from the South is when all of Ireland was under British rule!
“The primeval population-streams which came out of the North of the Eurasiatic land-mass from 2000 BC right down to 1000 AD — and after — were probably of related stock… These Northern barbarians conquered the indigenous populations of all Europe, constituting themselves an upper stratum, supplying the leadership, fighting-men, and laws, wherever they went.” – Francis Parker Yockey
Celtic settlement in Ireland by both Hallstatt and La Tène cultures began in the first millennium BCE. The Celts brought with them the knowledge of ironworking, a martial societal structure, and imposed their language and customs upon the pre-Celtic population, the Cruthin or Pretani who had arrived from England or Scotland some six thousand years before – when sea levels were lower and Ireland was barely yet an island. Genetic and archaeological evidence suggests the Cruthin were ethnically contiguous with the Britons of the megalithic period.
The heroic myths of the Ulster Cycle tell us of an Iron Age Ireland divided into five primary kingdoms or over-kingdoms, each made up of a confederation of smaller kingdoms. Ulster was the largest such over-kingdom, encompassing all of the North and reaching as far south as the River Boyne, with its capital at Emain Macha (believed to be modern Navan Fort, outside Armagh). The Ulster Cycledescribes close relations between Ulster and Alba, later to become Scotland; after all, Torr Head and the Mull of Kintyre are separated by just ten miles of ocean. The warrior Cúchulainn travelled to Alba to learn the martial arts; Deidre of the Sorrows fled there with her lover to escape the wrath of Conor, King of Ulster.
The name Ulster derives from the Norse Uladhstir, created by adding the suffix –stir for “place” to the Gaelic Ulaid, hence “Land of the Ulaid”. The word Ulaid, which came to mean the whole people and over-kingdom, originally referred to a warrior-charioteer ruling elite who were most probably La Tène Celts. It should be noted the ancient Irish legal tracts mention dynasties of both Ulaid and the earlier Cruthin holding the over-kingship – and often competing for it.
Sources like the Annals of Ulster andAnnals of Tigernach describe a centuries-long state of war between the Ulaid and the people who became known as the Gaels (the name deriving from Goidel, signifying “raider”). DNA studies indicate the Gaels were a later type of Celt who had settled in the Central European region between the Moselle and the Rhine, until a mass exodus in the first century BCE that paralleled the Roman expansion. This is consistent with Julius Caesar’s account of his conquests in The Gallic Wars. It appears the Proto-Gaels, finding flight eastward blocked by the Germanic tribes, and the lands to the south and west already under Roman control, first made the journey to England and then to Ireland. The two main Gaelic dynasties were the Connaghta and Eóganachta. They succeeded in subjugating the south and the midlands and began to unite the lands they had conquered in a common cultural and artistic style.
Circa 140 CE, the Alexandrian Greek astronomer and mathematician Claudius Ptolemy drew the first ever map of Ireland, based on contemporary sailors’ diaries and pilots’ charts. His map shows Ireland as having two royal sites or Regia, one of which is easily identified as the ancient Ulster capital Emain Macha, the other corresponding to the location of the Turoe Stone in modern County Galway. This concurs perfectly with the accounts of an Ulster Kingdom in the North at war with a Connaught kingdom in the Southwest.
The years 535-536 saw a climatological disaster that probably sealed the doom of the Ulster Kingdom. This was the extreme drop in temperatures across the Northern Hemisphere that has been speculated was caused by multiple volcanic eruptions or an asteroid impact creating an atmospheric dust veil. The Byzantine historian Procopius declared:
“And it came about during this year that a most dread portent took place. For the sun gave forth its light without brightness, like the moon, during this whole year, and it seemed exceedingly like the sun in eclipse, for the beams it shed were not clear nor such as it is accustomed to shed. And from the time when this thing happened men were free neither from war nor pestilence nor any other thing leading to death.”
It is curious to compare accounts of the extreme weather aberrations with the Eddic description of the Fimbulwinter as “three winters in a row and no summer in between”, and to note the Battle of Camlann in which the legendary King Arthur is reputed to have died or been mortally wounded correlates with the period, taking place in 537 according to the Annales Cambriae.
Snow fell in the summer and crops failed. Tree ring analysis from Europe to China and North America shows abnormally low growth in these years. The Annals of Inisfallen record:
“a failure of bread from the years 536–539”.
The Yersinia pestis pandemics that devastated the Byzantine and Sassanid Empires – and fatally weakened their ability to resist the rise of Islam in the centuries to come – followed two years later.
In Ulster due to the progressive loss of territory to the Gaels, one Gaelicised Cruthin grouping, the Dál Riata, began to migrate across the channel to Scotland. From their heartland in the Glens of Antrim they established the powerful maritime kingdom of Dalriada, which grew to cover Argyll and much of the western seaboard of Scotland at its height in the early 7th century.
The 7th century also saw the Ulaid make a final desperate attempt to reverse the Gaelic conquests. In 628 Congal Cláen, King of Ulster had killed the Gael King, Suibne Menn of the Northern Uí Néill. He was defeated by his successor Domnall mac Áedo a year later but escaped to Scotland and formed an alliance with the Dalriada king, Domnall Brecc. In 637 at the Battle of Moira, in what would become County Down, they led a 50,000 strong army including contingents of Scots, Picts, Anglo-Saxons (Sassenachs) and Welsh (Britons) against an Uí Néill army of equivalent strength. The battle ended in defeat for the Ulaid and death for Congal Cláen, but the Gaels had suffered sufficiently massive losses to slow their expansion down, and the Ulster lands east of the lower Bann were not subjugated until the Norman conquest in 1177.
The defeat at Moira also meant the end of the Dalriada kingdom in Ireland, but Scottish Dalriada remained independent until the mid-9th century, when it merged with Pictland to become Alba. The 11th century Scottish king Mac Bethad mac Findlaích, better known as Macbeth of Shakespeare’s eponymous play was of Dalriadan descent.
It is hoped the foregoing is sufficient to demonstrate the antiquity of settlement in Ireland by the ancestors of the present-day Ulsterfolk. The myth of Ireland as a singular Gaelic nation, ruled by High Kings at Tara since pre-Christian times, is a fiction created in the later medieval period to legitimize the hegemony of the Connaghta-descended O’Neill dynasty and has no historical basis whatsoever. In fact, in the immense extant body of ancient Irish chronicles and legal tracts, there is only ONE mention of Tara – as a seat of the Cruthin King of Ulster Congal Cláen!
In addition, the archaeological record of vast artificial barriers, consisting of earthwork ditches and walls originally surmounted by timber palisades, and stretching for miles across regions of Northern Ireland, strongly speaks against the existence of a unified Gaelic nation and supports the notion that Ulster’s separate identity was determined deep in Ireland’s history. Fortifications such as the Black Pig’s Dyke and the Dane’s Cast, dating from late centuries BCE to early centuries CE, are consistent with a warring states environment and the shrinking borders of a kingdom in retreat.
“The failure of two neighbouring nations with similar interests to co-operate against a mutual danger posing a threat to their existence is a sorrowful spectacle.” – David L. Hoggan
After thirty years of a fratricidal conflict in which working-class Protestants and Catholics suffered more than anyone else, and twenty years of a “peace” that has lined the pockets of big business elites while leaving local communities increasingly marginalized, Ulsterfolk in the 21st century find ourselves staring into an abyss. With all the major participants in the Belfast Agreement firmly committed to the neoliberal model, exponents of Chicago School economics were flown in from across the Atlantic to administer the “shock treatment” of globalization to Northern Ireland’s economy, in the apparent belief the historical identities of Protestant and Catholic, Nationalist and Unionist, could readily be subsumed into the shared, apolitical and homogenized identity of the consumer.
In practice, post-Belfast Agreement Northern Ireland has operated on a dual dynamic of continued ethno-sectarian friction based on resource competition, and constant stripping of funding from the public sector. This money is then poured into “regeneration” projects such as shopping precincts, office spaces and tourism amenities, with an emphasis on stimulating economic growth above all and no discernible plans as to how the wealth thereby created is supposed to find its way back to the pockets of ordinary people. Sinn Féin and the DUP may give the impression they are ready to resume armed struggle over disagreements surrounding culture and language – but have shown themselves blood brothers in their shared worship of the free market!
Standards of living have remained flat for communities who were at the bottom of the pile thirty years ago, and the wealth gap created by decades of neglect and lack of investment has been accelerated by the decline in manufacturing and reliance on low-wage service industry jobs. North Belfast, West Belfast and Derry are among the ten areas of the UK worst-hit by poverty, unemployment and benefit dependency. About half the population of Derry is classed as “economically inactive.”
At the time of writing (Summer 2019) Northern Ireland is without a functioning government, and the province is governed in an ad hoc fashion by civil servants with no legislative initiative or mandate to allocate funding. The venal and hypocritical nature of our political class has been thrown into sharp relief and the charade of “devolution” and “power-sharing” exposed as smoke and mirrors. When the basis of agreement is that of continued division and conflict, the only long-term winner is international capitalism and the Atlanticist military-industrial complex.
For ordinary Ulsterfolk, the much-trumpeted “peace dividend” has consisted of sprawling and dilapidated housing estates, boarded-up schools, filthy hospitals with patients dying in corridors, and a suicide rate that exceeds the body count of the Troubles.
“Our current of thought is being offered a real historical chance, for: first, facts are proving us right; second, the global system established by our ideological enemy is about to collide with the wall of reality and plunge into the abyss… and third, the ruling ideology has nothing new to offer – no solutions – unless it contradicts itself.” – Guillaume Faye
The past can’t be changed, but mistakes can be learned from. Ulster independence is a concept that has been floated for around forty years, but has never made inroads, considered a last-ditch option by Unionists and a Unionist Trojan Horse by Nationalists. As we approach the third decade of the 21st century, with the paralysis in Westminster over Britain’s departure from the European Union likely to cause the breakup of the United Kingdom, independence for Ulster is at last not only a viable solution, but the ONLY way our country and people can be saved from the destructive forces of globalization and cultural entropy!
Working-class people who have been abandoned by the institutions purporting to represent them seek a sense of purpose and belonging. Young people who have grown up without the experience of conflict are seeking an identity but want nothing to do with those who seek to re-ignite sectarian warfare – despite the fearmongering propaganda of the MSM, the reality on the ground is that numbers at both Loyalist and Republican parades are a fraction of what they were 25 years ago.
The Troubles arose due to a feeling from sections of both communities that they were forever outside the corridors of power and could never become meaningfully involved. Only when all sections of our people have a conviction of meaningful involvement in decision-making at the highest levels of government can our divided and trouble-torn society be united. Only when we have a shared identity and vision for the future we can all claim allegiance to can the causes of instability be uprooted. The sons and daughters of Ulaid and Dalriada deserve better than an endless cycle of poverty and division while the cheerleaders for fratricide prosper!
With the bugbear of the Union gone, the Ulsterfolk will forge their own unique destiny, the path most suitable for our own people and land.
Let us greet the new dawn, and proudly take our rightful place in the Europe of a Hundred Flags as a sovereign, free and independent Ulster!
Dalreudin Wolf, New Resistance Ulster, 2019
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